M04b
Messianic Expectation
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A page from 1QS (Manual of Discipline), which foretells two messiahs. In one passage, we read, “And they shall not depart from any counsel of the law to walk in all the stubbornness of their heart, but they shall be governed by the first ordinances in which the members of the community begin their instruction, until the coming of the prophet and the messiahs of Aaron and Israel” (1QS 9.9b-11).
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By the first century, most Jewish people had an inherent expectation of a better life. The hope of God coming to restore his people both politically and spiritually was part of the Jewish psyche after centuries of foreign occupation. Beliefs among Jews varied, but most expected some kind of completion of the present age and the dawn of a new one.
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Conceptions of “the last days” or an “end of the age” are today called eschatology (from the Greek eskatos, meaning “last”). Part of the Jewish hope included some form of messianic expectation. These varied as well. Some awaited one messiah (Hebrew for “anointed one”), some expected two messiahs, and others may have awaited even three.
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The messianic figures included the prophetic messiah, the priestly messiah, and/or the royal messiah. However, the popular conceptions of messiah neither included his death at the hands of the gentiles, nor his resurrection. The expectation of a kingly messiah, rooted in the biblical tradition of David, who would deliver the Jews from the oppression of the Romans certainly circulated in the first century, but did not seem to be widespread or consistent. When the early Jewish texts that interpret messiah according the Davidic tradition are surveyed, they do not consistently ascribe the same function to him.
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For example, the messiah in 4 Ezra 12:32 who “will arise from the posterity of David” appears closer to Daniel’s Son of Man coming as a warrior on the clouds to deliver the righteous remnant and judge the wicked. Another example is found in the writings of Josephus, who records numerous resistance movements taking place after the death of Herod the Great in 4 BCE. Some of these movements hailed their leaders as royal messianic figures in the line of David, as men who were committed to the military overthrow of Roman occupation.
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For the early Christians, David stands at the midpoint of an unbroken continuity between Abraham and Jesus. They believed that the promise of descendants (and a great nation) made to Abraham corresponded also to David, and found its ultimate fulfillment in Jesus whose messianic work was for the benefit of the world. In the synoptic gospels, Jesus is occasionally associated with David, usually as his son (meaning his descendant). For Paul, Jesus is “descended from David according to the flesh, established as Son of God in power according to the spirit of holiness through resurrection from the dead” (Rom 13-4).
Caravaggio’s “David with the Head of Goliath. Museo e Galleria Borghese, 1607.
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Throughout the New Testament, the messianic identity of Jesus is central, rich, multi faceted, and usually influenced by early Jewish religious thought. Many of the early Christian appropriations of these ideas are presented throughout the rest of this book.
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Sabbaths and Festivals
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The practice of keeping the Sabbath was another unique feature of Judaism. In the Greco-Roman world, there were few designated holidays or work-free days. For Jews, the seventh day of every week was devoted to rest, worship, and a communal meal in commemoration of God’s rest after the creation. Many gentiles considered this practice to be extremely lazy. The observance of Sabbath has its origins in the Pentateuch, primarily in Genesis 1-2 and Exodus 16. Modern research into the origins of the Sabbath is unfortunately inconclusive, though there is strong evidence that it may have Babylonian roots. By the first century, the observance of Sabbath was a central Jewish identity marker.
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Wall painting of Moses and scenes from the Exodus, Duro Europos Synagogue, Syria. 3rd century.
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During the span of a year, Jews celebrated three festivals that brought pilgrims to Jerusalem. Each one of these is included in the New Testament. John’s gospel is particularly rich in symbolically linking these celebrations with the identity and mission of Jesus. The first festival of the year, during the spring, was the seven-day festival of “Unleavened Bread,” which commemorated Israel’s exodus from Egypt. The Passover meal marked the beginning of the celebration. Specifically, the meal was a celebration of the Angel of Death passing over those households that had smeared lamb’s blood over their doors (Exodus 13:3-10). The feast included lamb, which commemorated the sacrifice, unleavened bread, which commemorated the haste of the exodus, and bitter herb, which symbolized the harsh conditions of slavery.
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Sinai Desert
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The second festival was called the festival of “Weeks” or Pentecost. It received the designation “Weeks” because it was celebrated seven weeks (or as it was sometimes said, a “week of weeks”) after the festival of Unleavened Bread. The term “Pentecost” (which means “fifty” in Greek) is simply a rounding up from forty-nine days (seven weeks) to fifty days. This one-day festival had its roots in the thanksgiving and celebration of the barley and wheat harvests (Lev. 23:15-21). The agricultural component of the festival eventually gave way to a thanksgiving and celebration of the giving of Torah at Sinai (Deut. 16:12), which took approximately fifty days to reach after leaving Egypt (Exod. 19:1).
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The third festival was called “Tabernacles“ or “Booths.” This festival celebrated the completion of the harvest cycle in the final gathering of the grapes from the vineyards (Exodus 23:16; 34:22). During the festival, which lasted a week, celebrants went out into the vineyards and lived in portable shelters, from which derives the terms “tabernacles“ or “booths.”
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Pool of Siloam, Jerusalem.
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Theologically, Tabernacles focused on the retelling of the exodus story, when the Israelites lived in the wilderness (Lev. 23:34-44; Deut. 16:13-15). The celebration in the first century included several rituals that symbolized God’s provision for the Israelites in the wilderness. In one part of the celebration, God was praised for providing much needed rain to sustain agricultural life. The commemoration was rooted in the story of the water-gushing rock in the wilderness. While worshippers sang Psalms 113-118, water from the fountain of Siloam was poured onto the Temple altar as a libation to signify the hope that salvation would one day come from Jerusalem to all the nations (m. Sukk. 55; cf. Ezek 47:1-12; Zech 13:1; 14:8). The pouring out of water was an invocation for rain, which was vital in an arid climate, but it also symbolized the giving of the Holy Spirit, who gives and sustains spiritual life.
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It is remarkable how much the background of this ceremony provides meaning for John’s portrayal of Jesus in 7:37-39, in which Jesus is depicted as the rock from which rivers of life flow. As in the Tabernacle festival, John equates water with the Holy Spirit, which is promised after Jesus’ death. In light of this background, John is saying that the prayers of the celebrants have been answered in the giving of the Spirit by Jesus.
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A ram’s horn (shofar) would have commonly been used as a trumpet in the ancient world for Jewish religious ceremonies.
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The Jews celebrated other festivals that did not necessarily require pilgrimage to Jerusalem. One of these was the festival of Trumpets, which was celebrated on the first day of the same month of Tabernacles (Tishri). Trumpets were sounded to remind God to remember his promise and covenant. By the first century, the practice was also to frighten away Satan and to awaken sinful Israel to repentance (Num. 10:10). Another important celebration during the same month, after Trumpets and before Tabernacles, was the Day of Atonement (Leviticus 16). This day was the climax of the calendar year. The Temple was cleansed to ensure its ritual purity and the High Priest confessed Israel’s sins. To these can be added the festival of Purim, which commemorated the story of Esther and the deliverance of the Jewish people, and the festival of Lights or Dedication (today known as Hanukkah), as it appears in John 10, which commemorates the rededication of the Temple by Judas Maccabaeus.
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The Temple
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The Temple was the focal point of religious activity, not only for Jews living in Judea and Galilee, but also for those in the Diaspora. The Temple attracted many Jewish pilgrims from around the empire, especially for the celebration of Passover. Most would arrive on Palestine’s shores, usually at the port of Jaffa (today’s Tel Aviv) by boat and then travel south for three days until they reached Jerusalem. The glistening white marble structures with sections overlaid with gold, which covered about twenty-six acres, would have been an impressive sight as pilgrims neared the city. Pilgrims contributed significantly to the economy of Jerusalem. They needed food, lodging, sacrificial animals, and other supplies. Josephus writes that Passover in 65 CE was celebrated by two million and seven hundred thousand people, with only 200 priests (War 6.425). Though it is hard to know how inflated this number might be, it is obvious that Josephus is indicating a vast crowd of pilgrims.
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Model of the entire Temple complex in the 1st century before its destruction by the Romans. Israel Museum, Jerusalem. The section of the Temple Mount which remains today (called the Western Wall) is in this photo part of the shadowed wall with the two arches.
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The Temple was also an ethnic, political, and economic center that wielded justice and power. As a form of taxation, Jews were required to pay a half-shekel annually. The High Priest and his family, under the oversight of the Roman prefect, controlled the operations of the Temple, including the collection of the taxes. Josephus calls the chief of everyday operations stratÄ“gos (War 2.409), a military term meaning “captain,” who may have also been in charge of the Jerusalem markets. Levite families were responsible for the daily function of the Temple. Their responsibilities included the maintenance of proper structure, security, and purity. Since certain areas of the Temple complex were restricted to Jews and priests, the security force guarded the gates of the Temple and had the authority to severely deal with transgressors. Gentiles could enter the outer court, but inscriptions in Latin and Greek warned them severely not to enter the inner courts, which were reserved only for Jews.
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Model of the Temple, Israel Museum, Jerusalem.
Click the image and take a 3d tour of the Temple.
Just outside the Temple proper stood an altar for burnt offerings and a “laver,” which was a large basin full of water that the priests used for washing. Inside the first room, curtained from the outside with a heavy veil, stood three pieces of furniture: (1) the menorah, a seven-branched golden lamp stand that burned olive oil, (2) a table stocked with bread that represented God’s providential presence and (3) a small altar for the burning of incense. Another heavy veil curtained off the innermost room, called the Holy of Holies, into which only the High Priest entered once a year on the Day of Atonement. During the time of the First Temple (built by Solomon), the Ark of the Covenant was the only piece of furniture placed in the Holy of Holies. Its disappearance or destruction some time prior to the Babylonian sacking of Jerusalem remains a mystery, though there is a small temple in Ethiopia whose priests claim to have it. Unfortunate, since entry is only limited to the local priests, their claim cannot be verified.
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Daily operations in the Temple included private sacrifices, burnt offerings for the whole nation, burning of incense, prayers, priestly benedictions, the pouring out of wine as a libation (liquid offering), the blowing of trumpets, and chanting and singing. Sabbaths, festivals, and other holy days included additional ceremonies.
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Remains of the synagogue at Capernaum built in the 4th century CE.
The dark basalt rocks below the 4th century remains of the Capernaum synagogue are the foundations of the town from the 1st century CE. The 1st century synagogue with which the Apostle Peter was familiar (since Caperneum was his home town) would have been located in the same place.
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Another important political/religious institution was the synagogue (which means “an assembly”). It has a long and complicated history that seems to be an amalgamation of a prayer house, a school, and a community hall. Some scholars have speculated that the synagogue began as an informal assembly, not a building, during the Babylonian exile. Others trace its origin to prayer assemblies in the Diaspora during the Hellenistic period. Since there were many kinds of synagogues, no single definition fits them all. Functions varied from place to place.
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In first century Palestine, synagogues were common throughout the villages. It is unlikely that any single group or office controlled all of the synagogues. Contrary to the opinions of some scholars, there is little evidence to suggest that the synagogues were connected with the scribes and Pharisees, and much less that they were a Pharisaic invention. The synagogue appears to have been predominately a democratic lay organization with no political party controlling the standards of liturgy. The evidence is unclear whether in the first century a synagogue was a specific building or merely any meeting place, which included homes, shops, and assembly halls.
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Like today, the synagogue was the location of local religious services. The typical synagogue service consisted of the following sequence: (1) recitations of the Shema (Deut 6:4, later expanded to include verses 5-9; 11:13-21; Num 15:13-41) and of the Shemone Esreh (a series of praises to God), (2) prayer, (3) singing of Psalms, (4) readings from the Hebrew scriptures interspersed with a Targum (paraphrase in the commonly-spoken Aramaic language), (5) a sermon (if someone competent was present), and (6) a benediction. In the first century, the synagogue also functioned like a town hall, where a variety of community affairs were handled, such as fund-raising, public projects, funerals, education, and the resolution of social conflicts.
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Remains of a 3rd century CE synagogue at Dura Europos, Syria. The interior is adorned with biblical scenes. It is one of the most elaborate synagogues from antiquity.
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An elected official presided over the meetings, introduced guests, and delegated reading and preaching responsibilities to other members of the synagogue. Because qualified teachers were usually invited to give a sermon or to read a scripture text, both Jesus and Paul took advantage of the opportunities to communicate their teachings.
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Jewish Writings
The Jewish people were very prolific writers. At the heart of their writings were their scriptures or the biblical writings, which were believed to contain the words of God communicated through Moses, the Prophets, and other chosen agents, like David and Solomon. Alongside the scriptures were numerous other writings that expressed almost every aspect of early Jewish life.
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Biblical Writings
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Genesis 1 from a 13th century Hebrew Bible. Bodleian Library, Oxford.
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Over several centuries, the cultural and linguistic shifts in Palestine and the Diaspora gave rise to at least five different versions of the Jewish scriptures that were either completed or were emerging in the first century CE. Scholars have referred to these as the Masoretic Text (MT), the Dead Sea Scrolls Bible, the Septuagint, the Samaritan Pentateuch, and the Targums. Each one of these has a complicated textual history with varied textual traditions that cannot possibly be tackled here. What is important to understand at the introductory level is that during the first century none of these versions represented a standardized text. There was no standard version of the bible.
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The designations that scholars use for the ancient versions of biblical writings refer to textual traditions or families of texts. Moreover, some of the designations are anachronistic, meaning that they have been acquired after the first century. For example, as is discussed below, there was not an actual Masoretic Text in the first century, but there were families of manuscripts that eventually became the basis for the Masoretic Text. Another example is the Targum, which in the first century was not a written text at all, but was in part an established oral tradition recited in synagogue settings.
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The Masoretic Text
The term “Masoretic” comes from a name given to a school of scribes who were called Masoretes. They are first identified in the rabbinic literature of the fifth century CE in which they are portrayed as scribes who are concerned with accurate copying and grammatical interpretation of the Hebrew Scriptures, but the tradition of their practice is certainly much older.
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Hebrew script with pointing. The symbols above and below the characters represent vowels.
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The Masoretes are best known for the notes, called the Masora, that were appended to the text. This tradition, which may go back to the first century, made a distinction between what was written (called the ketib) in the text, and how it was to be read (called the qere). The Masoretes are also commonly known for adding vowels, known as “vowel points” or “pointing,” to the consonantal Hebrew text in order to prevent corruption of the text. Unlike English, the earliest Hebrew alphabet is made up only of consonants, a few of which can sometimes indicate the presence of various vowel sounds. Apart from the Masoretic text, most of the Hebrew writings from the ancient world (and even modern Hebrew writings) are written without vowels. It can be compared to writing the English word “bt.” Without the vowels, we are not sure if the word is “bat,” “boat,” “bite,” or some other possibility. By addition vowels, the Masoretes eliminated options for alternate readings.
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The MT is today the authoritative textual version of Judaism and Western Christianity (Roman Catholicism and Protestantism). It is what Jewish people call Tanakh and what Protestants and Roman Catholics call the “Old Testament.” Although we possess a few fragments from the sixth to the eighth centuries, our oldest manuscript, which is not a complete text of the MT, is dated to the ninth century. Modern versions of the Hebrew Bible are all based on the Leningrad Codex, dated to 1008 CE, which is a complete text of the MT.
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A page from the Aleppo Codex (10th century CE), which together with the Leningrad Codex comprises the foundations for modern the modern Hebrew Bible.
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The Dead Sea Scrolls
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4QGenesis-Exodus. Most of the biblical manuscripts found at Qumran are even smaller than this fragment.
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Another version of the scriptures (if we can call it that), written mostly in Hebrew, was found among the Dead Sea Scrolls, which are commonly dated between the second century BCE and the first century CE. Often called the greatest literary or archaeological discovery of the twentieth century, these biblical and non-biblical writings have altered forever how we understand the scriptural canons, the religious groups, and religious thought within early Judaism and Christianity.
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Among the 900 (or so) documents discovered in eleven caves, over two hundred have been identified as biblical texts representing all of the writings found in the MT canon except Esther. Not all biblical texts, however, are equally represented. Prominence appears to have been given (in order of frequency) to the Psalms, Deuteronomy, Isaiah, Genesis, and Exodus.
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The Septuagint
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Codex Sinaiticus (part of Isaiah 42).
British Library, 4th century CE.
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The designation “Septuagint” is often used to refer to the Greek translation of a Hebrew source that served as the primary version of the bible for the New Testament writers and later many of the Church Fathers. It continues to be the official version of the Old Testament in Eastern Orthodoxy. The term comes from the Latin Septuaginta, which means “seventy,” and is today frequently abbreviated using the Roman numerals LXX.
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The LXX differs from the MT in a variety of ways. Some differences are significant, but most are minor. The most prominent difference is the Greek version of Jeremiah, which is about 2700 words shorter than in the MT. The book of Job is also shorter in the Greek, but not to the same extent. By contrast, the Greek version of 1 and 2 Samuel is considerably longer and more polished than in the MT. Daniel also contains an additional 67 verses between 3:23 and 3:24. The differences are often explained by pointing out that the MT is a later tradition and may not have accurately represented the source used by the Greek translators. In other words, the Greek translators probably used another, slightly different Hebrew source.
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The Samaritan Pentateuch
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The Samaritan Pentateuch (SP) originated primarily for theological reasons, as a response to Hasmonean Judaism, around 100 BCE. The history of the Samaritans and their tumultuous relationship with the Jewish people is retold in different ways and each is difficult to substantiate. Many scholars date the separation to the Hasmonean period when the High Priest and king John Hyrcanus laid siege to Shechem and decimated the Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim (111-120 BCE).
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One of the most distinguishing features about the Samaritans is their insistence that Mount Gerizim, instead of Jerusalem, is God’s designated center of worship. The earliest accounts in the bible associate this site with Abram’s first altar (Gen 12:6) and Jacob’s well (Gen 33:18-20). It was also the site (along with Mt. Ebal) where the Israelites assembled to hear the Law (Deut 11:29; 27:12; Josh 8:33). Today it is known as Jebel et-Tor and is located on the south side of the Nablus Valley, opposite Mount Ebal. A synagogue on the site is still used for worship by a dwindling Samaritan community.
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Page from the Samaritan Pentateuch. Rylands Collection, 13th century CE. The script is a Samaritan alphabet derived from the Paleo-Hebrew, which was commonly used prior to the Babylonian captivity (6th century BCE). There are about 6000 differences between the MT and SP, though most are minor and insignificant.
Liturgical Torah reading in the synagogue.
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The Targums, or Targumim, (meaning “translations”) are Aramaic paraphrases of the Hebrew bible. They emerged as oral interpretive traditions that were developed within worship contexts (probably synagogues) sometime during the Second Temple period when Aramaic was the common language. The popularity of Aramaic among the Jews who returned to Palestine from Babylon is reflected in Neh 8:1-8, which retells how Ezra’s public reading of the Law required interpreters/translators so that the people could understand it.
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Eventually, beginning in the second century CE, the oral interpretive traditions that were handed down from one generation to the next began to be recorded and eventually permanently preserved in what is called the Targums. Today the Targums are found in three versions, Onkelos, Neofiti, and Pseudo-Jonathan, each named after its supposed translator. The Targums are especially well known for their rather loose translation techniques. They reveal interpretive practices that attempt to contemporize their Hebrew source.
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There is ample evidence to suggest that Jesus and some of the New Testament writers were familiar with the Targumic traditions while they were still in oral form. One example comes from Jesus’ quotation of Isa 6:9-10 in Mark 4:12. In contrast to the disciples, who are given the secret of the kingdom of God, Jesus says that to those on the outside everything is given in parables in order that,
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they may indeed look, but not perceive,
and may indeed listen, but not understand;
so that they may not turn again and be forgiven
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The last part of the quotation (“and be forgiven”) only appears in the Targum, which suggests that Jesus or Mark (or both) were familiar with this tradition.
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Non-Biblical Writings
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The amount of non-biblical Jewish writings from the Second Temple period is truly staggering and their value for understanding the New Testament cannot be exaggerated. In addition to providing us with the cultural, social, and political framework within which Jesus and his disciples lived, many of the religious and philosophical ideas in them are the precursors to early Christian thought, such as notions of the afterlife, hell, heaven, angels, an apocalyptic end of the age, and even resurrection. Unfortunately, most lay readers of the New Testament are not familiar with many of these writings. They may, however, be familiar with the categories into which these writings have been placed by scholars, namely the Apocrypha, the Pseudepigrapha, and the Dead Sea Scrolls.
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Apocrypha
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The designation “apocrypha” (plural of “apocryphon”) is a transliteration of a Greek word that meant at one time “hidden secret” or “hidden away.” Eventually the designation became synonymous with “false,” be it a written work or a saying. The reason that these writings were categorized as “hidden” and eventually “false” goes back to their exclusion from the Jewish and Protestant canons of scripture. Among these groups, those who furtively regarded these writings as authoritative and valuable kept their assessment to themselves, and thus they were regarded as being “hidden” from the masses of the uninitiated.
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After the sixteenth century, when Protestant groups began to forge their distinctive identities, most regarded these writings as false or apocryphal because they were excluded from the canon. Today most of these books are accepted as inspired and canonical in Roman Catholic, Orthodox, and Coptic traditions, which constitutes the majority of Christians around the world. Among these groups, the writings are sometimes referred to as “deutero-canonical” (meaning “secondarily” canonical).
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Wojciech Korneli Stattler, "Maccabees." National Museum of Krakow, Poland. 1842. Inspired by the stories in 1 and 2 Maccabees, the painting depicts Antiochus III confronting the Hasmoneans.
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The Apocrypha contains fifteen writings of varied genres that were written in the first and second centuries BCE (except parts of 2 Esdras). Included are historical books (1, 2 Maccabees, 1 Esdras), wisdom literature much like Proverbs (Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach or Ecclesiasticus), romantic and heroic tales (Tobit, Judith, Susanna, Additions to Esther), ethical writings (Baruch, Letter of Jeremiah, Bel and the Dragon), prayers (Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Children, Prayer of Manasseh), and one apocalyptic work (2 Esdras).
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Some editions of the bible that contain the Apocrypha place Baruch at the end of the Letter of Jeremiah, resulting in only fourteen books. In other editions there are only thirteen books. Whatever the count, the early Christian writers would probably have known all of these writings to some extent. They do not specifically quote from any of them, but there are numerous parallels that aid in our understanding of the New Testament writers’ appropriation of scripture and its traditions.
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Pseudepigrapha
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The term “pseudepigrapha” is a transliteration of the Greek word meaning “falsely ascribed.” In the ancient world it was not unusual to write under a different name. When a celebrated figure from Israel’s biblical history was used as a pseudonym (such as Abraham, Enoch, the twelve sons of Jacob, and even Adam) the authoritative value of the writing was probably significantly enhanced. It is difficult to know how many people accepted the pseudonymous authorship as authentic, but it seems to have been an accepted and widespread practice that found its way into Christianity.
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“Joseph and Aseneth,” unknown artist. Staatliche Museen, Berlin, c. 1500. The scene depicts the story of Joseph and Aseneth (found in the Pseudepigrapha), which is an elaborate interpretation of Gen 41:45 explaining how the righteous Joseph could have married Aseneth, the daughter of a pagan priest named Potiphera.
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In modern scholarship, “pseudepigrapha” is used as a classification for an anthology of Jewish writings that stems from about the sixth century BCE (Ahiqar) to the ninth century CE (Apocalypse of Daniel), though predominantly they range from about the second century BCE to the second century CE. The writings cover a variety of topics, genres, styles, themes, and theological ideas that are vital for understanding both early Judaism and Christianity. James Charlesworth’s two-volume Old Testament Pseudepigrapha is used today as the standardized anthology of these writings in English.
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Like the books in the Apocrypha, the pseudepigraphal writings never made it into the Jewish canon. Unlike the Apocrypha, they also never made it into any of the Christian canons. Apart from the influence of 1 Enoch in Jude 14-15, the New Testament writers do not quote from the Pseudepigrapha, though like the writings of the Apocrypha, there are numerous parallels that help us to better understand of the New Testament.
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Non-Biblical Dead Sea Scrolls
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Clay jar commonly used at Qumran to store manuscripts.
Shrine of the Book, Jerusalem. 1st century CE.
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In addition to the discovery of biblical documents, the caves around the Dead Sea also contained non-biblical writings, which represent some of the particular beliefs and customs of the community that lived in this region. The non-biblical scrolls contain a variety of unusual writings, such as the community’s rules of conduct, worship and ritual practices, apocalyptic expectations, prayers and hymns, and biblical commentaries. Although many of the ideas and practices found in these writings represent a form of sectarianism, they are nevertheless very helpful for a fuller understanding of early Christian thought about such topics as messianism, apocalypticism, Jewish identity, and rituals.
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Try the Quiz!
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Bibliography
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Primary Sources in English
Brenton, L. C. L., trans. The Septuagint Version of the Old Testament. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1986.
Charlesworth, J. H., ed. The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. 2 vols. Garden City: Doubleday, 1983-85.
Josephus. Jewish Antiquities. 9 vols. Translated by H. St. J. Thackeray, et al, Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1930–65.
———. The Jewish War. 3 vols. Translated by H. St. J. Thackeray. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927–28.
McNamara, M., ed. The Aramaic Bible: The Targums. 19 Volumes. Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1987-1992.
Metzger, B. M. and R. E. Murphy, ed. The New Oxford Annotated Apocrypha. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991.
Neusner, J., trans. The Mishnah: A New Translation. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988.
Vermes, G. The Dead Sea Scrolls in English. 3d ed. New York: Penguin, 1987.
Whiston, W., trans. The Works of Josephus. Updated Edition. Peabody, M.A. Hendrickson, 1987
Wise, M., M. Abegg Jr., and E. Cook. The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation. San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1996.
Secondary Sources
Binder, D. B. Into the Temple Courts: The Place of the Synagogues in the Second Temple Period. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 1999.
Cohen, S. J. D. From the Maccabees to the Mishnah. 2nd edition. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2006.
Collins, J. J. The Scepter and the Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient Literature. New York: Doubleday, 1995.
de Silva, D. A. Introducing the Apocrypha. Grand Rapids: Baker, 2002.
Evans, C. A. Ancient Texts for New Testament Studies. A Guide to the Background Literature. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2005.
Flint, P. and J. C. VanderKam. The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Their Significance for Understanding the Bible, Judaism, Jesus, and Christianity. San Francisco: HarperCollins, 2002.
Goodman, M. Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 66. Leiden: Brill, 2007.
Grabbe, L. L. Judaic Religion in the Second Temple Period: Belief and Practice from the Exile to Yavneh. New York: Routledge, 2000.
Hanson, K. C. and D. E. Oakman, Palestine in the Time of Jesus: Social Structures and Social Conflicts. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1998.
Horsley, R. A. “Synagogues in Galilee and the Gospels.” In Evolution of the Synagogue: Problems and Progress. Edited by H. C. Kee and L. H. Cohick. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 1999. Pp. 46-69.
Jeremias, J. Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1969.
Jobes, K. H., and Moisés Silva. Invitation to the Septuagint. Grand Rapids: Baker, 2000.
Levine, L. I. The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000.
Lightstone, J. “Sadducees verses Pharisees: The Tannaitic Sources.” In Christianity, Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults: Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty. Part Three: Judaism before 70. Edited by J. Neusner. Leiden: Brill, 1975. Pp. 206-17.
Mason, S. Flavius Josephus on the Pharisees: A Composition-Critical Study. SPB 39. Leiden: Brill, 1991.
Neusner, J. “Mr. Sanders’s Pharisees and Mine.” Bulletin for Biblical Research 2 (1992). Pp. 143-69.
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